11.45 PM. With the temperature hitting its chilliest low, the dark, cloudless night is at its coldest best.

It is that time of the hour when the icy wind stings, numbs and fills the insides of the human frame with a vengeance, mysteriously yet openly creeping into the mind, body and soul of its victim to transform it into an eternal, ethereal mortal shell. It is that time of the hour when the sighs of the weak echo in stone cold silence of the snazzy, cosmopolitan life—a life air conditioned, obnoxious and fake, devoid of feelings and emotions, nothing but an insensitive sum zero equation of monetary profit and loss. It is the time of the hour, when another lifeless body falls limp on a pavement, cold, colder than the indifference of the passersby—a company executive, a ‘morning activist evening party animal,’ a page-three socialite, the bureaucrat driving towards his A1 bungalow in a red beacon government car, the businessman, the film star, the millionaire spiritual leader, the elite citizens of the maximum city. And, it is that time of the hour, when the little girl, with chilly mist coming out of her mouth as she breathes, feels the pain, the pain of winter, a harsh winter, the pain of being homeless, helpless, penniless, shunted from the world, discriminated, forced to spend the icy night out in the open.

Numbed by the dipping mercury, this young girl–whose innocent, light-brown, otherwise expressive eyes seem to be yearning for a little warmth in this eerie chill–looks longingly at the flickering flames of a dying, distant bonfire, ‘crudely’ made of yesterday’s newspaper featuring photographs of the smiling local politician standing with folded hands, selling hollow dreams. Perhaps, all she needs is a blanket. Or perhaps just a warm cup of tea, or an old, discarded sweater lying in a garbage dump in the back alley, or a windcheater that though torn from the sides, is still good enough to cheat the cold.

Or perhaps, just a reassuring hug from her mother, who lies beside her on the rough, rugged pavement, coughing, weak, ill and tired from yet another day’s work of hard labour at the factory, completing yet another cycle in the vicious circle of poverty and injustice, sacrifice and compromise.

Why, she wonders, as time moves slowly, each minute in the freezing cold feeling like eternity–Why the suffering? Why the pain? Why me? Why my mother? Why us?

Three hours pass by, and the freezing temperature is the only thing darker than the winter night. The young girl is still twisting and turning, snuggling and cozying up to her own frail, emancipated frame, in a failed bid to prevent the deadly breeze from freezing her deep within. Struggling to keep her numb, tiny fingers warm, she looks around her, even as the all-embracing cold wave hits like a silent bullet from a masked assassin.

She sees the state of other street-dwellers around her–the night-creatures, the oppressed, the weak, victims of gross injustice, those unnamed statistical figures of the skewed poverty line for whom the notion of human rights is as senseless as the failure of the government and the people as a whole to give them shelter for a night, just one night, just one night of this cruel winter…

The young girl–her eyes now drooping with the searing cold-induced pain in her head—looks around desperately for something to cover herself up. A plastic polythene, an empty packet of potato chips, sachets of tobacco powder, cigarette stubs, a newspaper.

Ah, a newspaper, she says. With her hands shivering, the girl moves her fingers a little to the left, extending them to the extent that the newspaper is now just almost within grasp. With one last forceful push, she gets it. Covering her body with the newspaper’s centre spread, she smiles feebly, looking at the skies above, as if expressing gratitude to the god who lives elsewhere from the sprawling billion-dollar mansion-like temple built barely a mile away.

She closes her eyes, but she feels cold. Her eyes open, and she closes them again. She is still cold. The hydra-headed monster of winter is still standing, as if waiting to pounce and dig its brutal fangs into her.

After playing hide and seek for hours, sleep finally catches up with the young girl. Her breathing becomes rhythmic, her eyes are still, her posture stiff. Suddenly, a wonderful dream flashes behind her closed eyes–a beautiful, small but modest house she calls home, with her father and mother and little brother living happily. There is a bed for her, and everyone, a bed with soft cotton pillows and sheets soft as velvet…a warm bed, for winter…there will be no more suffering any more, ma, no more winters….

The night passes, and dawn appears. As the dark is making way for the sun’s first rays, the sky is painted with the colour of a darkish, pinkish hue, and nature appears to be waking up and silently stirring afresh. Birds hover in the sky, filling the landscape with their ‘coos’ and ‘tirrups,’ while the other animals on two legs get on with their daily chores.

However, the sleeping girl appears to be in the middle of another dream, another beautiful, unimaginably wonderful and soothing trance-like state of fantasy. There is a soft smile on her face, but her eyes are closed. Her mother touches her, shakes her, stirs her, but the young girl does not move. She has passed on– too far from the world where the colder-than-ice human indifference hurts and kills—and she is not coming back.

Her etherised eyes remain closed, never to open again.

And the daily newspaper screams—‘cold wave at night claims 12 lives.’ She is one of those twelve.

Another statistic. Another forgotten, forsaken life. Yet, nobody’s fault?

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At present, India faces a multitude of traditional as well as non-traditional security challenges that are exacerbated due to the perceived dearth of strong institutionalised mechanisms for streamlining national security needs. Further complicating the problem is the emergence of multiple international sources of threats, which are often intertwined and interdependent in today’s globalised world.  A common view emerging from the deliberations was that the country could find it difficult to streamline the security strategy and address the systemic lacunae in the absence of a clear and comprehensive policy.

Encapsulating the trends observed in India’s military history, former Commander–in–Chief of Indian Navy’s Eastern Naval Command, Admiral Premvir Das, said, “A strong policy doctrine requires consistent reassessments and transformations based on the prevailing trends. Our own policies have witnessed course-corrections, revisions and re-examinations through the decades. I feel that the time has now come to articulate a national security policy in the global domain. However, this re-examination of policy can be carried out only through strong institutions. Security is a complex business, and cannot be conducted in an un-institutional manner.”

Over the last two decades, the emergence of nuclear-powered states in the region has also made it imperative to avoid conflicts. The need of the hour is to enable mechanisms for India to protect its core interests while maintaining international peace. Rolling out an effective security doctrine can go a long way in assuaging public concerns as well as acting as a deterrent for adversaries, analysts say.

Echoing similar views, former chief of the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) K.C. Verma asserted that a doctrine of this nature needed to have political unity. “India needs a national security doctrine. This doctrine on national security must be a declaratory statement of intent that should be put out in the public domain. It also needs to be coherent, consistent and be borne out of the consensus of the political parties. We cannot have a doctrine that undergoes a change every five years,” argued Verma.

Over the past decade, the definition of ‘security’ has expanded to incorporate socio-economic issues. In an increasingly gloomy economic scenario, India may find itself struggling to acquire defence and communications hardware, thereby threatening national security. Identifying economic growth as a key driver for national security, author and former diplomat, G Parthasarathy, opined, “In 60 years, we have not been able to become self-reliant in defence equipment manufacturing, largely because we do not have an industrial base. By 2022, Indian import of communication equipment may surpass the import of oil, according to an estimate. Security means keeping the internal and external climate of a country in a way that keeps all the citizens safe.  To enhance national security, economic growth is vitally important with strong industrialisation. ”

Besides scaling up defence infrastructure, sensitive issues such as water and energy access, human rights, social unrest due to underdevelopment and climate change also need to be re-examined through the prism of national defence and security capability. The emergence of cyber-space as the new domain of warfare has further expanded the defence discourse. To counter these challenges, there is a tangible need to bolster human resources and security infrastructure, upgrade India’s technological capacity, and identify the core strengthens and weaknesses in the existing strategic defence framework.

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Underscoring the vulnerabilities in the existing national security paradigm, Indian defence analysts strongly advocated the need of formulating a well-defined strategic policy framework while addressing an Aspen Institute India (AII) session in New Delhi on Monday.

At present, India faces a multitude of traditional as well as non-traditional security challenges that are exacerbated due to the perceived dearth of strong institutionalised mechanisms for streamlining national security needs. Further complicating the problem is the emergence of multiple international sources of threats, which are often intertwined and interdependent in today’s globalised world.  A common view emerging from the deliberations was that the country could find it difficult to streamline the security strategy and address the systemic lacunae in the absence of a clear and comprehensive policy.

Encapsulating the trends observed in India’s military history, former Commander–in–Chief of Indian Navy’s Eastern Naval Command, Admiral Premvir Das, said, “A strong policy doctrine requires consistent reassessments and transformations based on the prevailing trends. Our own policies have witnessed course-corrections, revisions and re-examinations through the decades. I feel that the time has now come to articulate a national security policy in the global domain. However, this re-examination of policy can be carried out only through strong institutions. Security is a complex business, and cannot be conducted in an un-institutional manner.”

Over the last two decades, the emergence of nuclear-powered states in the region has also made it imperative to avoid conflicts. The need of the hour is to enable mechanisms for India to protect its core interests while maintaining international peace. Rolling out an effective security doctrine can go a long way in assuaging public concerns as well as acting as a deterrent for adversaries, analysts say.

Echoing similar views, former chief of the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) K.C. Verma asserted that a doctrine of this nature needed to have political unity. “India needs a national security doctrine. This doctrine on national security must be a declaratory statement of intent that should be put out in the public domain. It also needs to be coherent, consistent and be borne out of the consensus of the political parties. We cannot have a doctrine that undergoes a change every five years,” argued Verma.

Over the past decade, the definition of ‘security’ has expanded to incorporate socio-economic issues. In an increasingly gloomy economic scenario, India may find itself struggling to acquire defence and communications hardware, thereby threatening national security. Identifying economic growth as a key driver for national security, author and former diplomat, G Parthasarathy, opined, “In 60 years, we have not been able to become self-reliant in defence equipment manufacturing, largely because we do not have an industrial base. By 2022, Indian import of communication equipment may surpass the import of oil, according to an estimate. Security means keeping the internal and external climate of a country in a way that keeps all the citizens safe.  To enhance national security, economic growth is vitally important with strong industrialisation. ”

Besides scaling up defence infrastructure, sensitive issues such as water and energy access, human rights, social unrest due to underdevelopment and climate change also need to be re-examined through the prism of national defence and security capability. The emergence of cyber-space as the new domain of warfare has further expanded the defence discourse. To counter these challenges, there is a tangible need to bolster human resources and security infrastructure, upgrade India’s technological capacity, and identify the core strengthens and weaknesses in the existing strategic defence framework.

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Changes in China’s political stance were ‘unlikely’ to occur in the near future despite continued economic rise of the Asian giant, acclaimed US author James Mann asserted at an Aspen Institute India session in New Delhi.

Mann made these comments while addressing a talk on ‘China as a World Power’ chaired by Former Indian Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran. The discussion revolved around the key steps taken by China to consolidate its economic and political power, and the role played by countries such as the U.S. in buoying China’s rise on the global stage.

In an engaging presentation, Mann attempted to address questions on the future of the global world order vis-a-vis China’s growth and its internal politics, while underscoring the growing unrest in China’s middle class.  “Over the last six years, I have been impressed by Chinese middle class concerns in three areas. The first is pollution and air quality, which is really bad. The second is food quality, or product quality. Even basic milk is tainted in China, and people are importing milk from Hong Kong and overseas because they cannot trust anything they buy. The third is internet censorship, which is viewed as a daily annoyance and insult for middle class people,” Mann opined. “Yet, China is still an economically powerful country with a developed military, even though its political systems are fragile. In my view, China will not change politically, though it will get stronger and stronger economically for the next 20 years or so.”

Mann also shared some of the key transformations witnessed in China’s socio-economic model since the early 1980s, when new economic reforms were announced and businesses were opened up for private entrepreneurs. “29 years ago, economic reforms essentially meant down-and-out individuals in the Chinese society taking a leap on their own. Over the last three decades, China has developed economically to a point that it is now rivalling or surpassing the West. It has also strengthened its military power to protect its economic interests. At the same time, China has made stunningly little change in its political system,” he said, recounting his stint in China as a political reporter.

Reflecting on the changing dynamics in the U.S.-China relationship, Mann argued that Washington’s ‘integrationist model’ had begun to wear out. “Since 2008, there has been a growing recognition among American leaders that the U.S. policy would not bring China to political liberalisation. They are beginning to wonder if China would come into the international order without seeking to change it. I also feel U.S. policies have started to change in response to China’s policies. This fundamental change finds its roots in the U.S. financial crisis of 2008, when China seems to have done a strategic reassessment, assuming the U.S. was a declining power and that Beijing should assert its might. From mid-2010, the Obama administration too began hardening its policies towards China, and this seems to me like a fairly long-term U.S. strategy towards China.”

Mann is presently Author-in-Residence at Johns Hopkins University, and has written a series of award-winning books about American foreign policy and China. His work was awarded the Edward Weintal Prize in 1999 for distinguished career-long coverage of foreign policy. Prof. Mann’s best-known work is Rise of the Vulcans: A History of Bush’s War Cabinet. He has also written three books about America’s relationship with China, namely Beijing Jeep, About Face: A History of America’s Curious Relationship with China, From Nixon to Clinton and The China Fantasy. His latest book is The Obamians: The Struggle Inside The White House to Redefine American Power released in 2012.

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Globalisation has benefitted the financially weaker sections of Indian society, chairman of Bajaj Industries and Former Member of Parliament Rahul Bajaj asserted on Thursday while addressing a special session hosted by Aspen Institute India. The session—themed ‘Leading in the 21st Century’—saw Mr. Bajaj at his wittiest best as he shared his views on issues ranging from economy and politics to his business secrets.

During the candid discussion, Mr. Bajaj, one of India’s most respected business leaders, strongly criticised the developed nations for getting into the protectionist mode, and underscored the advantages of globalisation.  “I feel globalisation is a good thing. It is here to stay. Look anywhere in the world, and you will find that poor have benefitted from globalisation. One downside of this, however, is that inequalities have widened between nations and within nations.” Calling it a case of ‘shoe pinching the other foot,’ Mr. Bajaj highlighted that while the developed nations had been advocating the virtues of free trade, they were not adopting the practice due to global financial turbulence.

Reflecting on his stint in politics as a parliamentarian, Mr Bajaj revealed, “I would not have missed the four years I spent in the parliament for anything. I thoroughly enjoyed the experience, learnt immensely from it, and made a lot many friends. I joined politics because I am a very aware citizen of this country, and wanted to get involved in the process. My background in politics was also a factor. After all, my father was a three-time Lok Sabha member from Wardha in Maharashtra.”

Culminating the discussion, Mr Bajaj also shared his business ‘mantras’ with budding entrepreneurs. “There are three core values behind a successful business. One, always maintain your honesty and integrity. It might bring you losses initially, but will prove to be very beneficial in the long run. Two, there is no substitute for hard work. I have worked very hard to build and strengthen by business, for nearly 40 years. And three, do what you want to do, and do it with passion. That is all,” he asserted.

Mr Bajaj was a member of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Indian Parliament from 2006-2010. He has received many prestigious awards and recognitions, including the ‘Padma Bhushan’ by the Government of India in 2001 and the Knight in the Order of the Legion of Honour by the President of the French Republic.

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Expressing concern at the recent spate of attacks on Indian missions in the conflict-ravaged country, India’s National Security Advisor Shivshankar Menon yesterday reaffirmed New Delhi’s strong and unyielding support towards bringing about socio-political development in Afghanistan.

Washington is presently in the process of withdrawing its troops stationed in Afghanistan in a phased manner as part of a mechanism to hand over combat operations against extremist insurgents to Afghan security forces by 2014. However, a spectrum of political analysts and stakeholders within India has expressed reservations over the move, while highlighting the perceived weaknesses in Afghanistan’s political and social structures.

In this backdrop, India is emerging as a key strategic partner to the U.S.’ ‘Pivot to Asia’ strategy as Washington begins phasing down troops from Afghanistan. While India is wary of the ensuing fallout of this move, there is a fast-gaining recognition in the U.S. on the critical role New Delhi can play anchoring stability in South Asia.

Addressing the Aspen Institute India session on ‘India and the U.S.’, Menon said, “We have had attacks on our missions in Afghanistan for some time. Yet, we want to assist the Afghanistan authorities to do what they want, which is, establish peace and stability in the region. So, we will continue to work with the government and the people of Afghanistan. There is no endgame for India in Afghanistan.”

Menon, India’s top security official, also reflected on the growing India-U.S. relations, especially in the context of the much talked about civil nuclear agreement that is yet to be operationalised. Over the last week, there has been increasing speculation in India over the perceived ‘dilution’ of New Delhi’s position vis-à-vis issues pertaining to the nuclear liability law that holds the suppliers responsible in case of an accident.

Allaying such fears, the National Security Advisor asserted that all civil nuclear projects in India would be subject to the Indian laws. “The civil nuclear agreement is a significant part of our strategy to meet long term power demand in India, which is expected to grow four times over in the next two decades. It has been our consistent stand that the power plant should meet the highest standards of safety delivering power at a price that is competitive vis-a-vis other sources of energy. I was surprised in the last few days to see several stories claiming that somehow Indian law would not apply to projects in India. Civil nuclear projects in India will naturally be subject to Indian law, including civil liability. Domestic and foreign vendors have sought clarifications on some points of that law, which are being examined,” Menon said, while underscoring India’s pressing energy needs.

At present, India-U.S. economic relations have expanded beyond the horizon of the nuclear deal to that of shaping a new Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT). According to estimates, annual bilateral trade between the two nations has grown nearly five-fold in the last decade, with nearly 50 per cent growth registered during the Obama administration. Owing to closer and stronger business ties, the annual two-way trade is nearly USD 100 billion, while the bilateral foreign direct investment stands at nearly USD 30 billion. Building on these highs, experts feel the need of the hour now is for the US to facilitate the expanding canvas of trade and foster the growth of Indian investments.

“The US is our single largest trading partner and is a source of critical technology, investment, and collaborations, with over $ 11 billion worth of Indian investments in the US, and $ 50 billion of US investment in India. Our total trade in goods and services exceeds 100 billion dollars. Economically, as we go forward we will focus on opportunities, especially in the infrastructure sector; improve market access; negotiate a Bilateral Investment Treaty; pursue constructive solutions in the WTO that addresses our key concerns; and, work to strengthen the global multilateral trade regime, avoiding its fragmentation or the growth of protectionism,” Menon disclosed, while identifying health, energy and education as the central areas of future cooperation.

In the last few months, several top-level visits have been facilitated between India and the U.S., signifying the vibrancy of bilateral ties. US Vice-President Joe Biden’s visit in June earlier this year addressed some key outstanding issues gnawing the two sides, and instilled confidence among the lawmakers and the investors. The scheduled visit of the Indian Prime Minister to the U.S. next week has hence elicited hopes of taking the ties to greater heights while simultaneously resolving contentious issues.

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The past few days have been difficult for the self-styled, self-proclaimed ‘Godman’ Asumal Sirumalani—Asaram Bapu to followers. Accused of sexual assault on 16-year-old minor girl in Jodhpur last week, he has been served a notice—albeit amid high drama–to appear before the police for questioning before August 30.  What emerges in the interrogation is another matter. The real issue in this case is Asaram’s brazen defiance and disregard for the law.

A cornered Asaram—calling him ‘Bapu’ (father) would only lend credibility to his unwarranted ‘Godman’ status—has been on a counter-allegation spree since the victim filed her complaint. This, despite the fact that the police has booked him for alleged sexual assault under sections 376, 342, 506 and 509 of the Indian Penal Code, section 8 of the Prevention of Children from Sexual Offences Act (POCSO) and sections 23 and 26 of the Juvenile Justice Act, as per media reports. Initially, he refused to accept the serious accusations levelled against him, brushing them away as fabricated lies. At the same time, however, Asaram sought time from the police till September 20, citing his scheduled ‘spiritual functions and discourses’ as a reason. Later, he challenged the girl’s testimony, going to the extent of announcing ‘a prize of Rs 5 lakhs to anyone who could prove the girl was a victim.’ Now, he claims a political conspiracy, openly accusing Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi of deliberately framing him. All this, while hiding from the media, refusing to answer difficult questions, and instead pushing ideologically-driven aides to put forth preposterous defence for himself. Really, is this the conduct of a ‘Godman’?

Under normal circumstances, the accused in such a case would have been arrested, questioned, and booked within hours of the FIR complaint. However, emboldened by the political clout he enjoys in certain parties, Asaram has not only evaded arrest, but has made a mockery of the system by continuing to make public appearances for his ‘spiritual engagements.’ In a statement, he has also challenged people to prove that the girl was assaulted—thereby shifting the ‘burden of proof’ from himself to the victim. The controversial ‘Godman’ (he has been accused of murder in the past) forgets that in cases of sexual assault—a grave offence under Indian criminal law—the onus to ‘prove’ innocence is on the accused. His statements, dipped with arrogance and a misplaced sense of supremacy, fail to reflect this in any way.

Clearly, Asaram and his aides want this to become a case where the victim becomes the accused, and the accused becomes the victim. However, this time, his battle is not with a girl, but with a nation full of angry and outraged people who have lost their patience with sexual offenders. So Mr. Asaram, if you think you can evade the law and continue your brazen defiance, you are wrong. This will not happen. Not this time. Not on our watch.

*Views expressed are personal

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In the present era of globalisation and interconnected landscapes, it is pertinent to acknowledge and tap the power of the general public in strengthening Asian-European ties. Today, youth, journalists, local communities, academics, activists and celebrities of both continents are advocating unity in social, cultural, economic and political realms. Recent initiatives taken by interregional institutions such as the Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM) have also been instrumental in registering a tangible change in this direction.  

Through academic exchanges and multi-stakeholder interactions, the two peoples have come closer, while also giving a fillip to economic ties and multiculturalism.  Another effective catalyst in dissolving barriers is the social media, which is unifying Asians and Europeans like never before–it is now common to see animated chats on bilateral issues on Twitter and Facebook. This bridging of gaps has also facilitated exchange of ideas on climate change and sustainability; culture, traditions and values; business trends and academic findings. Consequently, inter-public understanding is growing and there is now a strengthened mutual consensus on key issues—including human rights, democracy, terrorism, migration, religion, culture and good governance.

To take this process to the next level and make it more inclusive, Asians and Europeans must shift from merely ‘learning’ about one other, to actively cooperating on day-to-day issues. Europe is currently reeling under economic turmoil and unemployment, while Asia is battling large-scale poverty and underdevelopment. Specially-designed programmes for European businesses, researchers and journalists to work in Asian villages and cities can catalyse stellar change in Asia. Similarly, opening up avenues for Asian tourists, small and medium enterprises, civil society and entertainment industry can trigger fresh financial opportunities in Europe. In addition, initiatives must be launched under the broad framework of economic, academic and cultural exchange to promote interregional movements, collaborations and partnerships. This is the way to the future for Asia and Europe.

Undeniably, the time is ripe to explore new areas for bilateral public dialogue and cooperation. Considering that Asia and Europe together account for nearly 70% of world population, mainstreaming people-to-people connect is not a question of why, but when. And that time is now.

*views expressed are personal

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To substantiate its claims of “Congress ka haath, aam aadmi ke saath”, the government has been extremely vocal of its prized initiative-the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme(NREGS) launched in 2006. The scheme finds mention in the party’s manifestoes, and nearly all leaders–including Sonia Gandhi and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh–have underscored its importance in their poll campaigns. Rahul Gandhi, with his much publicised act of “shramdaan” in rural Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, cemented the image of NREGS as a poverty eradicating, employment generating initiative of the UPA last year. It has since been effectively used as a major poll plank to support the party’s “development” oriented stance. The Bharat Nirman campaign initiated by the Congress also highlights its positive impact.

So far, so good.

Yet, claims by many (including Rahul Gandhi), that “the NREGS has ensured enforcement of minimum levels of wages across the country” is arguable. Serious loopholes have been found in the implementation mechanism of the scheme, and massive corruption has resulted in the diversion of funds from the intended “target group” to the middle order “beneficiaries”. Many rural poor have not been issued job cards, yet their names are present in the files, and vice versa. There is a massive demand for work, but lack of implementation of the scheme has not quelled the rising problem of unemployment, special post the economic meltdown that has affected the small-scale industries. A large chunk of labourers in India are migrants from rural parts of India, and affected by the slump have returned to their native villages only to find there is no work available to suit their skills. Herein lies the problem with the implementation of the NREGS.

Faced with such problems, a substantial populace of jobless youth is getting increasingly frustrated and hopeless with the system as whole. For instance, in villages near the Firozabad town of Uttar Pradesh, most young men are engaged as bonded labour in already over manned farms. Disguised unemployment is on the rise, due to the systematic weaknesses in the scheme. A report on the NREGS released by the Comptroller and Auditor General of India in 2008 found many discrepancies in the implementation of the scheme at the state and district level. In West Bengal, for example, CAG reported that funds had been used in seven villages for at least 20 projects, which astonishingly did not exist. 

The issuance of job cards is another grey area. Most people are aware of the NREGS, but a common complaint in a large part of rural India is that “yahan to laagu nahi hua hai.”(It’s is not implemented here.) The problem of migrant labourers, and their non inclusion in the scheme in poor states like Bihar and Orissa also goes against the intention of the scheme. Further, an NREGS job card is to be given to all households in need of work, but reality is different. In the village of Chauma near Aligarh in Uttar Pradesh, the actual target group of unemployed poor youth alleges that most of the influential members of their village community use their clout to get extra cards for their families, thus eating into their share. The “100 days employment guarantee” also raises questions. First, are 100 days a year enough to eradicate poverty for below poverty line households? Secondly, even if it is assumed that all BPL households get job cards and employment, the reality is that the number of days of employment are neither reported or registered officially, and do not balance the demand for work. Such problems are plenty, owing to the corruption at the district level in almost all states.

The NREGS is undoubtedly a path-breaking endeavour on part of the government to counter poverty, but sadly there is a clear lack of will in implementation at the grassroot level in many states. Due to this, the benefits of the scheme–like other flagship programs–has not reached the least advantaged of the village communities. Till these aspects are not resolved, resources would continue to be squandered, the poor would remain poor and crime and frustration would rise. 

A few suggestions: One, instead of kutcha work which is the main work undertaken through the NREGS(clearing of forests, digging up wells and ponds etc), more of pucca construction work should be included. Monsoons are dreaded in many households of rural India, since they devastate their homes(usually made of hay, wood and mud). And more often than not, they cannot afford the repairs every season. If the NREGS could include repairs of ravaged homes in its implementation, problems of many would be solved simultaneously.

Second, NREGS in its present form involves pure labour work. A scheme of such large magnitude would thus only result in creating a massive workforce of unskilled labour, a waste of human resources. In Uttar Pradesh, a significant chunk of the rural youth, who have completed their schooling and some who have even graduated from the local polytechnic, have expressed reservations to work meted out to them in the NREGS. “It is a waste of their skills and education, and the NREGS should be altered to address their needs too,” is the common refrain among the youth.

Lastly, a programme which offers upgradation of skills and training should also be included in the NREGS. This would create a skilled workforce, and would also give them a freedom of “choice”, sorely missing in most government schemes(excluding the Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojna, which gives beneficiaries an option to select a hospital of their choice for free treatment).

In a nation like India, where poverty is rampant, schemes like the NREGS need to be strengthened urgently. For people who cannot afford even two square meals, living on less than a dollar a day, schemes like the NREGS give hope. And when they do not get results, it not only crushes their hope, but also their trust in the government and politics. This disillusionment, is not healthy for “the world’s largest democracy”, and must be quelled through increasing the efficacy of welfare schemes.

*views expressed are personal

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